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“Digital Vulnerability: The Unequal Risk of E-Contact with the Criminal Justice System.” RSF: Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences. 5(1):71-88. [With Kayla Prieto-Hodge and Jeremy Christofferson]
Increased citizen interaction with the criminal justice system on digital platforms renders citizens more vulnerable to breaches of information to third parties. We introduce the concept of digital vulnerability to measure the extent to which technology produces unequal exposure to risk of data breaches. Using policedispatcher radio communication, we examine the extent to which dispatchers reveal identifiable information about callers reporting crime. Data come from sixty audio-recorded hours of police-dispatcher radio communication across three racially distinct police radio zones in Chicago. Findings revealed that one of every ten calls made to police in zones serving racial minorities disclosed caller names or home addresses. We discuss implications for research on racial inequality in criminal justice contact, police-community relations, and policies concerning police-dispatcher radio communication.
How do nonprofit organizations attempt to facilitate collective efficacy? Through an inductive ethnographic case study of efforts to reduce gang violence in the Little Village neighborhood of Chicago, this study shows the importance of power and funding competition. Specifically, nonprofits’ efforts to facilitate collective efficacy depended on (1) strategic actions to manage competitors, and (2) their position in the city political field. Based on these findings, this article refines collective efficacy theory by integrating power relations and governance as forces that fundamentally shape neighborhood crime control efforts. The article concludes by discussing the implications for efforts to better integrate nonprofits, race, and the state into studies of collective efficacy and neighborhood crime control.
Latinos have been remarkably absent from research on the degree to which citizens notify police about violent crimes. This article takes a few small steps toward filling this knowledge gap through a case study of Mexican American youth in Little Village, the largest Mexican neighborhood in the Midwest. We ask: Why do some Latino youth notify police about violent crimes more than others? Using a unique survey data set of neighborhood youth (N = 292), we find that (1) the majority of youth in the sample do, in fact, notify police about violent crimes and (2) logistic regression models reveal the importance of social ties with gang members, negative past encounters with police, and immigration status as significant correlates of willingness to notify police about violent crimes. We conclude by discussing implications for research on Latino police notification and policy efforts to improve Latino community–police relations.
Relative to their peers, Latino youth are underinvolved in organized community activities (e.g., Boys and Girls Club), and their experiences lack examination. This study employed a neighborhood case‐study approach to examine the experiences of Latino youth in a neighborhood with high levels of violence and their participation in organized community activities. Employing a cluster sampling design (Lohr, Sampling: Design and analysis. Pacific Grove, CA: Nelson Education, 2009), we used quantitative, spatial, and qualitative data to understand adolescents’ participation in organized community activities. Furthermore, to understand how adolescents from the same neighborhood may experience violence differently we examined gender differences. Those who participated in organized community activities witnessed more violence, regardless of gender. General violence (e.g., robberies, shootings) was dispersed throughout the neighborhood, but gender‐specific violence was concentrated along the main street of the neighborhood. In qualitative interviews, adolescents reported this concentration of violence a deterrent to their participation: sexual harassment for girls and gang intimidation for boys. Our findings highlight the unique experiences of youth in violent neighborhoods and the importance of examining differential constraints for those within the same neighborhood.
Medicaid expansion, as part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), was touted by many policymakers as a potentially powerful force for reducing ethnoracial disparities in health insurance coverage. Using a unique county-level dataset at two time points (before and after the passage of the PPACA), we test whether Medicaid Expansion predicted change in ethnoracial disparities. Specifically, we use fixed effect regression models to predict the Black-white, Hispanic-white, and Asian-white disparities in health insurance coverage. Using states that did not expand Medicaid as a counterfactual, our models show that this policy expansion was not significantly associated with a decrease in ethnoracial health insurance disparities. Overall, these findings suggest the need for scholars and policymakers to be more cautious and tempered about Medicaid expansion’s relationship with ethnoracial disparities in health insurance coverage. We discuss the implications of these findings for research on ethnoracial health insurance disparities, as well as policy efforts to increase coverage in minority communities.
What has driven city police spending growth in large cities? Studies show racial threat is an important predictor, but scholars overlook how cities can afford spending increases during hard financial times. Research suggests that federal grants through the Clinton crime bill and U.S. Department of Homeland Security play important roles. In this article, we ask whether racial threat and federal aid have an interrelated role in city police spending from 1980-2010. Using a unique dataset on 88 large cities, we find that Clinton crime bill grants were associated with city police spending, especially in cities with growing Black populations. We also find that from 2000-2010, overall federal aid was associated with city police spending, especially in cities with growing foreign-born populations. Our study show that the state, through relationships between Federal and local government, has been a critical missing component in the process whereby racial threat shapes local police spending.
Health navigators are a new health care workforce created by the Affordable Care Act (ACA) to assist low-income minority populations with acquiring health insurance. Given the high levels of distrust among the poor toward government and the medical profession, this article asks: How do health navigators build the legitimacy necessary to persuade low-income uninsured clients to enroll in health insurance? Through ethnography of face-to-face interaction between navigators and the uninsured poor in Chicago, this study shows that successful navigators deployed a combination of cultural repertoires for building trust and legitimacy. These repertoires included ceding control of the conversation, creating ethnic solidarity, and disassociating themselves from government bureaucrats or self-serving insurance employees. These findings demonstrate the usefulness of cultural sociology for understanding health insurance provision to the poor, ACA outreach efforts, and the more general study of how occupations legitimize themselves to clients.
Although law enforcement agencies arrest criminal group leaders to dismantle organized crime, very few studies have assessed whether such interventions produce adverse effects. Through a mixed method comparative case study of the Latin Kings and 22 Boys street gangs in Chicago, this article examines the consequences of arresting a gang’s leader. Using violent crime data, I show that a spike in violent crime took place in the first month after the 22 Boy gang leader’s arrest. In contrast, the Latin King gang leader’s arrest produced no change in violent crime. Using several qualitative data sources, I show that the 22 Boy gang leader’s arrest temporarily led to the gang’s withdrawal from their territory which spurred violent aggression from rival gangs in adjacent territories. In contrast, the Latin Kings continued their operations because the gang’s prison leaders quickly appointed new leadership. Results suggest that criminal group embeddedness (or the social relations between criminal groups) can contribute to adverse effects in interventions targeting gang or other criminal group leaders.
Theories of susceptibility to peer influence have centered on the idea that lower status adoles- cents are likely to adopt the behaviors of high status adolescents . While status is important , social exchange theorists have shown the value of analyzing exchange relations between actors to understand differences in power. To build on status-based theories of peer influence, this study analyzes power dependence relations in three adolescent friendship groups. Analyzing adolescent interaction as social exchange showed how being in a group with bal- anced power relations insulated adolescents from peer influence, even when some peers were delinquent or low academic achievers. In contrast, adolescents in groups with unbal- anced power relations were particularly susceptible to peer influence. This study presents an additional way to analyze the peer influence process and illustrates the importance of applying social psychological theory to cases of micro inequality, particularly in the context of small groups.